Daily Archives: Tuesday, March 10, 2009

Chaz Freeman pulls out

Greg Sargent notes the news here

This doesn’t merely disappoint.  It makes me rather angry.  The power and influence of the AIPAC (and related) crowd has tentacles into both parties and into the way Washington is wired.  Political narratives and decisions become warped as a consequence of this influence and power and the consequences have been, in important ways, deeply destructive.

Update:  Stephen Walt (pre-ouster) on Freeman’s critics:

You know your opponents are worried when they start calling you names.

Jonathan Chait says I’m “paranoid,” that I “went bonkers” in a recent blog post, and that my scholarship is “wildly hyperbolic.” He says his real objection to Charles Freeman’s appointment as chair of the National Intelligence Council is that Freeman is an “ideological fanatic” (isn’t it odd that this quality went undetected during Freeman’s lengthy career as a public servant?) and that Freeman’s other critics were mostly worried about his relations with Saudi Arabia (as if this had nothing to do with their views on other aspects of our Middle East policy). Nice try, but it is abundantly clear to almost everyone that the assault on Freeman has been conducted by individuals — Chait included — who are motivated by their commitment to Israel and who are upset that Freeman has criticized some of its past behavior. Of course Chait doesn’t broadcast this openly, as it would immediately undermine the case he’s trying to make.

As for the others, Michael Goldfarb compares me to Father Coughlin and says I assembled a “blacklist,” when in fact I did no such thing. I’m not suggesting that Freeman’s critics should lose their jobs or face other forms of  persecution; I just pointed out what they were doing and said it was wrong. Read what I actually wrote, and then ask yourself why Goldfarb would make this up.  Perhaps he’s confusing me with Ron Radosh, who did call for the New York Times to fire Roger Cohen for writing a column about Iran that didn’t demonize it. Jeffrey Goldberg says that my co-author and I are “viciously anti-Israel,” even though we have consistently declared our support for a Jewish state, said we “admired its many achievements,” and wrote that the United States “should come to Israel’s aid if its survival is ever in jeopardy.” M.J. Rosenberg challenges Freeman’s critics too, and Goldberg labels him a “professional slander expert.”   (full column at link above)

Foreign Policy on Freeman’s ouster:

Freeman’s withdrawal “is terrible news for anyone who had hoped that the Obama Administration stands tough-minded, rational, probing, and, yes, brutally honest about the life threatening challenges out there,” wrote veteran Washington observer Chris Nelson in his eponymous Nelson Report. “If it turns out the White House pulled the plug on Freeman because of political pressure…shame on it.  If it turns out Blair didn’t have the guts to stick with his guy…shame on him. If it turns out Freeman just couldn’t stomach any more lies from Capitol Hill and the established media, not to mention the blogs, shame on us all.”

Greg Sargent notes this morning’s NY Times (shallow) piece on Freeman’s withdrawl and wonders why this matter was not covered by the mainstream press until now.

Update:  MJ Rosenberg of the Israel Policy Forum says:

This is a country where you can say anything you want about the president, or any other policy, and it’s really important for people to understand that this is the only issue you cannot discuss openly.  I think if people perceive incorrectly that the Jewish community as a whole is behind these efforts to stifle dissent on this issue, that’s dangerous.  read here

Glenn Beck and the sheer, unbelievable insanity of the modern right

BECK: So here you have Barack Obama going in and spending the money on embryonic stem cell research, and then some, fundamentally changing – remember, those great progressive doctors are the ones who brought us Eugenics. It was the progressive movement and it science. Let’s put science truly in her place. If evolution is right, why don’t we just help out evolution? That was the idea. And sane people agreed with it!

And it was from America. Progressive movement in America. Eugenics. In case you don’t know what Eugenics led us to: the Final Solution. A master race! A perfect person. …. The stuff that we are facing is absolutely frightening. So I guess I have to put my name on yes, I hope Barack Obama fails. But I just want his policies to fail; I want America to wake up.

from Think Progress

Norm Coleman – a heaping helping of hypocrisy

Statement in November from Coleman when he called on Franken to concede the election:

It’s up to him whether such a step is worth the tax dollars it will take to conduct

And heck oh golly, he said at the time, if it were him, he’d step aside.  Because of the taxpayer expense, you see.  A recount would cost $90,000 or maybe even $120,000 of precious, sacred taxpayer dollars.

But that was then.  Now, he and his legal boys are pushing for a re-election at an estimated cost of $3 – 5 million dollars (of that same taxpayer money).

Why even mention, given that, the on-going expenses involved in the litigation of this matter which Coleman clearly intends to carry on as long as he can if only to keep the Dems from another Senate seat.

Pretty scummy fellow, Coleman.

h/t TPM

More on Cramer (the screaming MSNBC finance guy)

Jon Stewart had done a wonderful piece on this guy (and the episode got a LOT of play) but Kramer subsequently protested that he’d been taken out of context.  Stewart took up this point in a subsequent episode.  It’s pretty merciless but terribly funny.  Koppleman at Salon’s War Room has it (mar 10, 12:09)

The ad hominem argument – a classic example (relevant to the Chaz Freeman matter)

As a further comment on this fallacy (described below), the Weekly Standard helpfully provides a classic example this morning.

As a mouthpiece for the the Republican Party and the neoconservative community, this publication, though sophisticated and representing the upper end of rightwing media intellectual activity, pretty commonly utilizes logical fallacies to forward particular political narratives.  They do so this morning as part of their attack on Chaz Freeman and on those who are now speaking out in support of him, one of whom is Scott Ritter, the former UN weapons inspector.  There’s more than one ad hominem in this piece but we’ll look at the biggy.

 

Pedophile* Lobby Gets Behind Freeman

Scott Ritter, the former U.N. weapons inspector who was arrested “after allegedly communicating with an undercover officer posing as a 16-year-old girl,” has joined six other fairly fringe figures to endorse Dennis Blair’s appointment of Chas Freeman. (A source told CNN that “Ritter had arranged in an Internet chat room to meet with the girl at a Burger King in Colonie, a suburb of Albany, so she could witness him masturbating.”) The rest of these guys are on record saying all sorts of crazy things over the last few years, most of them exhibiting some kind of paranoia about the “neocon cabal” (Ray Close). Ray McGovern even served “symbolic war crimes indictments on the Bush White House from a ‘people’s tribunal.’”

 

 

Again, the function of an ad hominem (“against the person”) is to attempt to discount the truth or reasonableness of the claim or argument being made by making a personal attack on the person making the argument or claim.  Obviously, the suggestion being advanced in this piece above is that we ought to ignore anything and everything this person says, quite regardless of relevant matters such as knowledge, experiencce, familiarity etc because he was alleged to have committed a sexual crime.

People who use logical fallacies in this manner are properly understood as either fools or as propagandists.  The first category is merely a bit stupid.  The second category wishes to make you that way.

To read the full piece (and more from this publication on the Freeman appointment, go here

Again, David Brooks gets it right

Though many of my liberal friends writing blogs or contributing to the discussions on them simply cannot brook Brooks, I often find him precisely the sort of conservative I wish outnumbered the other sort who are far too prevalent whether in journalism, in office or in the various corners of the movement.  He’s thoughtful, he ususally can see past his ideological prferences, and he takes care in his speech and in his research to try and get things right – that is, to perceive the world as it is.  He has intellectual humility and empathy, the two qualities which it seems to me are all I can ask of another and which, when absent, immediately place that person in the category of people I will be most pleased to see ascend at the End of Days.

That Brooks finds himself morally and intellectually obliged to publicly derogate people such as Rush Limbaugh ought to be clue enough for the liberal friends I mention above, but it hasn’t been.  The urge to easy simplisms and dichotomies finds a home on both sides.

The Democratic response to the economic crisis has its problems, but let’s face it, the current Republican response is totally misguided. The House minority leader, John Boehner, has called for a federal spending freeze for the rest of the year. In other words, after a decade of profligacy, the Republicans have decided to demand a rigid fiscal straitjacket at the one moment in the past 70 years when it is completely inappropriate.

The G.O.P. leaders have adopted a posture that allows the Democrats to make all the proposals while all the Republicans can say is “no.” They’ve apparently decided that it’s easier to repeat the familiar talking points than actually think through a response to the extraordinary crisis at hand.

If the Republicans wanted to do the country some good, they’d embrace an entirely different approach.

Read the full column here

Update:  Steve Benen goes deeper than I here

The Radio Kitchen

Now and again I bump into a particularly wonderful site or writer.  Here’s one.  Highly recommended.

The Radio Kitchen

Freeman – monday update

A question on Greg Sargent’s blog got me thinking rather more deeply about the Freeman matter because some odd contradictions and complexities arise when we peek in.

 As with so much about the last eight years, we are in upside-down land again.

The traditional conservative position on foreign relations is ‘realist’ – policies derived from a fairly cold survey of American interests and how they might be best served. Support for totalitarian regimes, if perceived to be helpful for business or strategic interests, has been common, even where this might entail over-turning a local government democratically elected, and even where the totalitarian regime is truly ugly in terms of civil/human rights (insert photo of Rumsfeld shaking Saddam’s hand). Conversely, the traditional liberal position has been to place more weight on moral considerations – to foster democracies and civil/human rights concerns and to shove business or strategic interests towards the back burner (which is cooking a lot of cliches presently, of course).
As liberals (for those of us who are), we probably ought to be concerned about a ‘realist’ such as Freeman appears to be. But most of us find ourselves taking the opposite position and supporting his appointment. Clealy, that’s because of our concerns for the influence on US policy from a lobby which has been extremely influential and which has forwarded hardline, militarist and perhaps even racist policies in the Middle East and which we now consider detrimental to just about everyone. Further, we should note that this lobby has tended to forward the intererests of a particular Israeli party. I haven’t heard a lot of rah rah for Labor Party policies emerging from this lobby though it’s possible I’ve missed it.

 There’s a very good reason that the Bush propaganda machine, as it worked through the sequence of rationales on ‘we must attack Iraq because…’, put a major emphasis on “spreading democracy” and on “the evils perpetrated by Saddam and sons”. Those reflect traditional liberal notions/values and as such, made the sales job much easier. Had they said, “this is about control of petroleum resources and about supporting our lobby-heavy client state in the region”, that sales job woud have been a tad tougher.

All of which brings us to the “neoconservative” camp. We all recognize that term now but I hadn’t even heard of it until I read an essay by Anatol Lieven in the London Review of Books (it’s well worth reading the whole essay) back in late 2002 as the propaganda campaign was being ramped up.

 To understand the Administration’s motivation, it is necessary to appreciate the breathtaking scope of the domestic and global ambitions which the dominant neo-conservative nationalists hope to further by means of war, and which go way beyond their publicly stated goals. There are of course different groups within this camp: some are more favourable to Israel, others less hostile to China; not all would support the most radical aspects of the programme. However, the basic and generally agreed plan is unilateral world domination through absolute military superiority, and this has been consistently advocated and worked on by the group of intellectuals close to Dick Cheney and Richard Perle since the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s.

This basic goal is shared by Colin Powell and the rest of the security establishment. It was, after all, Powell who, as Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, declared in 1992 that the US requires sufficient power ‘to deter any challenger from ever dreaming of challenging us on the world stage’. However, the idea of pre-emptive defence, now official doctrine, takes this a leap further, much further than Powell would wish to go. In principle, it can be used to justify the destruction of any other state if it even seems that that state might in future be able to challenge the US. When these ideas were first aired by Paul Wolfowitz and others after the end of the Cold War, they met with general criticism, even from conservatives. Today, thanks to the ascendancy of the radical nationalists in the Administration and the effect of the 11 September attacks on the American psyche, they have a major influence on US policy.

 

Though the neoconservative set of ideas may have some intersection points with traditional liberalism, that’s really a matter of chance more than anything. The philosophy is, at its core, unyielding Platonism in its “understanding” that the dirty and emotional masses need a small and select elite to guide them and the world. It is profoundly undemocratic. Further, it holds (as voiced by Strauss, the progenitor of this worldview) that is is the moral imperative of rulers to forward falsehoods (the “noble lie”) where necessary to herd the masses in the right directions.

Many of the people who are key to the attack on Iraq first came together in the Reagan and Bush 1 administrations, then consolidated again under Bush 2. There appears to be a convenient alignment of goals and methodologies between hardline realists (eg Cheney), neoconservatives (eg Wolfowitz) and the military/industrial/Pentagon crowd (war is good money) which pushed concerns about the middle east (oil, Israel) and militarist engagement and, of course, 9/11, which resulted in the horrid activities and mistakes of the last seven years.
I think it is because of all this that we liberals now find Freeman to be far easier to understand and far more likely to act in a predictable and honest manner than what we’ve just been through. And he seems to represent as well a potential diminishment of the power nexus that the neoconservative camp had become.